CORD Leaders, Kalonzo Musyoka, Raila Odinga and Moses Wetangula
Since independence, politics in Kenya has been characterized by the manipulation of ethnic identities by a small group of people for private interest. To understand Kenya today and think about alternatives for a better Kenya, we must therefore think about the dynamics of ethnic identities and how they have been exploited, since independence, in political lives.
Political coalitions are no more than tribal-coalitions between dominant tribes competing for the control of the state, while smaller tribes are left to play the card of opportunism. Issue-based voting for the interests of nationhood is almost non-existent. It is safer to say that most of the problems confronting nationhood in Kenya, as in most African countries, is not only a consequence of European rule and the forceful introduction of European customs and values, but also the inability of ethnic identities to integrate within the structure of the nation-state and align their interests to a common good for Kenya. The link between ethno-political competition (and the patronage systems that arise around it), ethnic-discrimination, and political violence is clear.
The land problem which has been at the heart of political violence first arose from the British grabbing of indigenous lands, which was later grabbed by post-independence elites. Since then, the narrative has been: our ancestral land was stolen from us. The idea of ‘ancestral’ is ethnic in essence and the demand to ‘return us to our ancestral lands’ shows that communities are yet to let go of their ancient tribal boundaries and morph into Kenya, a state, which has constitutional freedoms that allow any Kenyan to buy land or live in any part of the country. When you buy land and settle outside the ancient tribal demarcations, you will continue to be considered an alien and subject to eviction, despite the legality of your ownership, when the nature of ethno-political affiliations changes. The nation-state has never been able to solve these land problems created in the colonial period and reinforced by the independence administration.
If Jubilee and CORD (or versions of such coalitions) are going to tussle over political power over the next 20 years then we are going to be talking and re-talking about tribes, tribalism, and the political patronage systems around ethno-political affiliations. I’ll be 50 years old in 20 years and most likely pessimistic about the ability of such ethnic coalitions and alliances to build a cohesive society where politics is mature and issue-based Kenya.
Ethnic demarcation and perverse regionalism that locates certain ethnic groups to specific regions in Kenya, and which is currently being promoted by our political leaders must be actively fought as it continues to promote ethnic discrimination – a practice that has seen ‘aliens’ being forced to go back to their ‘ancestral lands’ when political misunderstandings arise. The society needs to change and produce leaders who are different and committed to imagining a new Kenya that is not choked by regionalism, tribalism, corruption, and political violence as well as the politics of personal enrichment.
This means that agitations for a third-force, or any alternative thinking movements that puts more emphasis on national interests and values, that is not founded on ethnic mobilization, and that naturally and proportionately draws from all regions of the country, must of necessity spring now. If we don’t, then we will have to endure the culture of ethnic rivalries, violence, and destruction of property and lives into the next decades. If we don’t evolve in our thinking, then we will continue to regress and continue to produce ethnic leaders whose only intent is to lead their people in warfare against rival communities.